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24 Planning May 1992 <br />ournalists have been telling us for some <br />time now that rural and small-town <br />America is a disappearing phenomenon- <br />except for a few special landscapes and <br />stage-set main streets. But after 15 years <br />of research and writing about rural America, <br />I have concluded that reports of its de- <br />mise are much exaggerated. Rather than <br />disappearing, large portions of our non- <br />metropolitanareas have evolved into some- <br />thing new-what I call "countryfied cities." <br />How can you tell when you come to a <br />countryfied city? A sure sign is a combi- <br />nation of: suburban-style houses along <br />country roads; commercial corridors lined <br />with stores, fast-food places, even busi- <br />ness and professional offices; free-stand- <br />ing factories and warehouses near a new <br />highway interchange; and, in some areas, <br />recreational and retirement complexes of <br />varying size and ambition. The important <br />point is that the countryfied city presents <br />a critical mass of low-density urbanism <br />over an extended rural field. <br />Burnet County in east central Texas, <br />for instance, is nearly 1,000 square miles <br />in size, yet some 85 percent of the popula- <br />tion is concentrated around Marble Falls <br />and the recreation and retirement com- <br />~lexes along the Colorado River to the <br />west. I found similar low-density concen- <br />trations of population in the five other <br />places I used as examples in my research <br />on countryfied cities: Westmoreland <br />County in southwestern Pennsylvania; <br />Randolph County in east central Indiana; <br />Emmet and Charlevoix counties in north- <br />west Michigan; and Putnam County in <br />north central Tennessee. <br />To a large extent, the countryfied cities <br />have replaced the old towns and small <br />cities as residential and commercial cen- <br />ters. In an auto-impelled age, the spread- <br />out development is more practical, better <br />suited to the way rural and small-town <br />people live today. Rather than being fueled <br />exclusively by agribusiness, as were the <br />rural towns of yesteryear, the new settle- <br />ments are the products of the powerful <br />economic and demographic forces that <br />have changed rural America since World <br />War II: decentralization of manufactur- <br />ing and warehousing made possible by <br />the interstate highway system; the grow- <br />ing number of retirees and people eager <br />to invest in second homes; the outward <br />creep of metropolitan office development; <br />and the expansion of college and univer- <br />sity systems. <br />For some planners, this hybrid form of <br />development-part country, part city-is <br />something that their education and previ- <br />ous experience has not prepared them <br />for. They must quickly become familiar <br />South of Chicago, in <br />rural Will County, <br />isolated residential <br />development is <br />cropping up in the <br />midst of farmland. <br />The author argues <br />chat this pattern is <br />being repeated all <br />across the nation. <br />The Land <br />In-Between <br />Neither city nor country, our <br />burgeoning nonmetro areas need <br />some serious rethinking. <br />By J. C. Doherty <br />with things like the latest in septic tank <br />technology, the intricacies of conserva- <br />tion districts, and Farmers Home Admin- <br />istration community facilities programs. <br />Modest proposals <br />The county, regional, and state-level plan- <br />ners Iinterviewed in six eastern and <br />midwestern states spoke frequently of <br />the need for regional programs designed <br />specifically to deal with growth in mixed <br />rural-urban areas. <br />In fact, regional government is as rare <br />outside the beltways of the nation as it is <br />within them. In the seven counties I ex- <br />amined are 30 small cities, 51 boroughs <br />and villages, 63 townships, and 20 New <br />England-style towns. Their governments <br />function within their borders, of course, <br />but their borders no longer contain all or <br />even most of the preferred locations for <br />business, industry, and housing. <br />In my opinion, the identifiable country- <br />fiedcity needs a government with powers <br />to adopt regional plans, regulate land and <br />development, and write capital budgets.. <br />If a city of 3,000 can do all this, why can't <br />a countryfied city of 30,000? <br />Everyone knowledgeable about govern- <br />ment knows the answer. The local gov- <br />ernments involved would have to give up <br />a big chunk of their sovereignty, if not go <br />out of business. This is not going to happen. <br />But there are other possibilities. The <br />state legislature can enact laws and adopt <br />policies that encourage planning and land <br />regulation in the types of areas we are <br />talking about. Two examples: The Penn- <br />sylvania legislature in 1987 passed a law <br />encouraging small cities and boroughs <br />"no longer considered economically vi- <br />able" to consolidate with healthier ones. <br />And in 1988 the Vermont legislature passed <br />Act 200, which reinvigorated regional plan- <br />ning among the towns in that state. <br />A starting point would be the creation of <br />a standing commission on growth, whose <br />role would be to report on trends such as <br />the development of these new urban forms. <br />An example is Vermont's Costle Commission, <br />whose 1987 "guidelines for growth" report <br />led to the passage of Act 200. Such blue- <br />