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11111 would be making a politically popular choice among many voters. On <br /> the other hand, the city will have spent a lot of money on a useless <br /> election and will still have some legal fees when the provision is <br /> challenged. In addition, such acquiescence could be used by term <br /> limit supporters as a sign of . support for changing the State <br /> Constitution or for having State imposed term limits , actions <br /> generally opposed by city leaders and by the League. <br /> Second, the city could seek a declaratory judgement on the <br /> constitutionality of term limits. This preemptive strike is favored <br /> by some cities as a hope of obtaining a relatively fast and definite <br /> resolution to the problem. Such an action, however, places the full <br /> financial burden on the city, and there is a possibility that the <br /> judge would refuse to hear the case for lack of standing by the city <br /> as an entity. Jerre Miller, the city attorney in Hopkins is interested <br /> in pursuing this option if there is support from other cities. The <br /> League is willing to assist in coordinating cities interested in <br /> joining with Hopkins to investigate the feasibility of this choice. A <br /> private tax payer opposed to the expense of the election-might also be <br /> able to seek a declaratory judgement and injunctive relief should the <br /> council decide to proceed with the election as discussed under option <br /> number one. <br /> The third option would be for the city council to refuse to accept the <br /> validity of the petition or commission proposal and therefore refuse <br /> to hold the election on this issue. The result of this action would <br /> III likely be a writ of mandamus action by either the petition's sponsors <br /> or the charter commission seeking a judicial order that the city hold <br /> the referendum. At the writ hearing, the city would attempt to <br /> convince the judge not to issue the writ as it would not make sense to <br /> force the city to spend money on election to adopt a clearly <br /> unconstitutional amendment that would certainly be struck down upon <br /> adoption. This option has precedence for succeeding. Joe LaBat of <br /> the Minneapolis City Attorney's office has researched this option in <br /> detail and Minneapolis has successfully taken this approach on other <br /> referendum issues of certain unconstitutionality. He is formally <br /> recommending that the council follow this approach again on the issue <br /> of term limits, although the council has not yet made its decision. <br /> Floyd Olson, also of Minneapolis, stated that he successfully used <br /> this approach while city attorney in Bloomington. <br /> There are two cases supporting this third option, which is relatively <br /> inexpensive to the city and bears only the risk of receiving a <br /> judicial order to hold the election: HRA v. City of Minneapolis, 293 <br /> Minn. 227 , 198 N.W. 2d 531 (1972) , and State Ex Rel Andrews v. Beach, <br /> 155 Minn. 33 , 191 N.W. 1012 (1928) . In these cases, the courts held <br /> that while a city usually has no discretion on whether or not to hold <br /> a referendum when it receives a valid petition under M. S. chapter 410, <br /> such an election can be enjoined when the subject matter of the <br /> referendum is manifestly unconstitutional . In summary, the courts <br /> held that there was no sense in subjecting the city, its <br /> 4110 <br /> administration and citizens to the expense and frustrations of an <br /> election on an issue that knowingly would be ultimately struck down by <br /> the courts following its adoption at the election. It follows, <br />