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between its progressive rhetoric and the reality of how people of different races experience completely <br />different cities. This local paradox is a microcosm of the statewide "Minnesota Paradox," a term coined <br />by University of Minnesota economist Samuel L. Myers Jr., to highlight the often -ignored inequality that <br />defines the region. <br />CityLab spoke with five experts on race, culture, and state and local history to understand how they've <br />experienced these divides, and how to bridge them. Our conversations have been edited and <br />condensed. <br />William D. Green, history professor at Augsburg University: Back in 1860, even though Minnesota was <br />free soil and had in its constitution a ban against slavery, slaveholders would come to Minnesota to <br />vacation. <br />Abolitionists brought one slave woman to court and freed her, and what resulted was a riot in the city. <br />For the next four or five months, neighbors in Minneapolis walked the streets with loaded weapons, <br />waiting for their neighbors to provoke them. <br />And what averted that pending crisis was when the Confederates attacked Fort Sumter and started the <br />Civil War. Minnesotans shifted their focus away from their neighbors — what got them to change their <br />focus was joining up. Minnesota was the first state to send volunteers into the Union Army. <br />So you have this strange situation, where people were willing to defend a slaveholder's right to hold a <br />slave in Minnesota, despite what the state law said, and they were also willing to join up and fight to <br />preserve the Union. <br />Daniel Bergin, documentary filmmaker for Twin Cities PBS: This paradox goes to the very founding of <br />the state: the colonization and the displacement of Dakota and Ojibwe, which is its own complex and <br />deep and insidious story. But in terms of the African -American experience, even after the territorial <br />period, there was this tension around abolitionist culture from the New Englanders who had largely <br />made up Minneapolis at the time, and the businessmen who were seated in St. Paul. <br />Literally, when they were founding the state, there were two constitutions: One that made a statement <br />against slavery. And then another that didn't. <br />Green: After the war, Minnesotans tried three times to pass a law that would extend the voting rights to <br />black men. And on the third attempt, they succeeded — before the 15th Amendment was ratified. Just <br />months after that, the legislature passed a law saying that any school system in Minnesota that <br />segregated on the basis of race would lose all state funding. And then they also began to see black <br />people serve on juries, which was something that had never happened in Minnesota. This is all before <br />1870. <br />"Policymakers and the body politic lived in parallel worlds with regard to race relations." <br />And then right after that, nothing happened. It was like the progressives and the friends of black people <br />took their feet off the pedal and began to coast in complacence on their good deeds. Even though <br />Minnesota would later pass two or three public accommodations laws banning banning segregation and <br />discrimination in public settings, you still had discrimination being carried out by white shopkeepers and <br />restaurateurs and whatnot, denying or harassing black patronage <br />