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• • • n • about zero gun control issues come through here. In fact, we'll probably recover some of the lost ground from last yam, „ ronically, it was just one year ago, a half-hour before midnight on March 11, 1994, that gun control advocates in Washington State posted their great- est victory in recent memory. Despite intense pressure from the state's firearms owners-and a floor fight that culminated with the appearance of an ailing legislator who collapsed after cast- ing his vote-the House sent Bill 2319 to a receptive Gover- nor Lowry. The $18 million crime package provided money for prevention pro- grams and introduced tougher sentencing measures. It also restricted juvenile access to firearms, stiffened penalties for the illegal use of guns and imposed other firearms restrictions. It was proof, gun control supporters and the media glee- fully concluded, that the gun lobby, once known for its obsti- nance and muscle in state capi- tols, was in decline. At the federal level, the NRA was still stinging from passage of the Brady Bill, which took e$'ect in February 1994 and required a five-day waiting period and police background checks for people who buy handguns. At the state level, the issues that ~~~~ mattered most to the gun lobby-state preemption of local firearms restrictions, the right to carry concealed weapons and restrictions on so-called "assault weapons"were under attack from newly emboldened legislators and governors. "We thought we had some momentum in our favor," says Kent Caputo, Gover- nor Lowry's legal counsel. "Not so much momentum that would weaken the NRA, but certainly momentum to make some of these people that generally sit on the fence jump up and think, `Gee, I guess we can take them on.' " Over the past two years, even in states where the NRA once dominated the polit- ical landscape, gun control supporters racked up triumph after legislative tri- umph. With polls reflecting widespread public support for gun restrictions, even states with strong pro-gun traditions- 18 GOVERNING March 1995 Washington, Colorado, Utah, California, Pennsylvania, Texas-began passing and considering restrictions that would have been unheard of in years past. In California, the architect of the state's assault weapons ban, Senator David Roberti, survived a much publi- cized recall effort engineered by the NRA. Colorado and Utah passed restric- tions on juvenile possession of firearms. Virginia limited handgun purchases to one per person per month. In Connecticut, the firearms debate became so overheated that one angry gun control activist actually severed his trig- ger finger in protest-and delivered it to the state's chief gun lobbyist. Then-Gov- ernor Lowell P. Weicker Jr. became so exasperated over the failure to pass his gun control package that he vowed to drag legislators into special session every month until the November elections unless the measure passed. When the legislature finally acquiesced, Weicker, upon signing the bill, turned to an aide and said, "Make sure you send a copy to the NRA." Weieker's sardonic remark merely acknowledged a widespread per- ception: that the NRA was getting its comeuppance. That perception may have been pre- mature. Renowned for its intransigence, the gun lobby operates on a self- described "NATO Strategy"-it treats an attack on any one type of firearm as an attack on all firearms. "We're here to defend a right we think is important. And you don't compromise on a right," says Alan Gottlieb, chairman of the Bellevue, Washington-based Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Aims. Even before the 1994 election cycle, the NRA was attempting to head off those who believed its influence was on the wane. In a magazine for political con- sultants, the NRA ran a firll-page ad fea- turing pictures of ousted New Jersey Governor James J. Florio and an unsuc- cessful gubernatorial candidate in Vir- ginia, both Democrats, warn- ing that their fate awaited anyone who attempted to run against and demonize the gun lobby. It was an exaggeration, to be sure-at best, the gun lobby played a marginal role in both races-but it served to further the NRA's image as an intimidating force in state capitols. Electoral hardball is only one facet of the NRA's approach. What the gun lobby does best is organize-not just at the ballot box but in the legislative arena as well. There are an estimated 70 million gun owners in the country, not all of whom are members of the NRA, but many of whom are concerned about any infiingement on their rights to keep and bear arms. In Washington State last year, gun owners showed up a thousand ~~~~ strong on the steps of the capi- tol to protest. "They line up for hours in advance of committee hearings," says Seattle City Council member Margaret Pageler, a gun control advocate. "You're lucky if you get in." ven in a moment of triumph for its opponents, the gun lobby in Wash- ington State was able to demon- strate surprising organizational clout. The proof is not in what the state's new crime bill contained, but in what it did not contain. Last year seemed the perfect opportu- nity for Lowry to accomplish one of the top priorities of the gun control move- ment: aban on assault weapons. By tying the ban to the larger anti-crime package, Lowry assumed he had the necessary political cover. The battle over Bill 2319 closely mir- Rich Frishman photograph Washington State will see `just about zero gun control issues' this year, says Representative Tom Campbell. ................................................................................................................