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• <br /> <br />• <br />c: <br />• <br />rored the debate on the federal crime bill <br />being worked out at the same time in <br />Washington, D.C., with Republicans <br />publicly attacking it as an example of <br />social spending gone awry without neces- <br />sary tough sentencing measures. The real <br />action in Washington State, though, was <br />happening at the committee level, where <br />the gun lobby does its best work. <br />Alan Gottlieb, whose organization <br />often works with the NRA, describes a <br />typical conversation with a wavering leg- <br />islator. "We basically say, `We're not ask- <br />ing you to take a lead position. If you feel <br />like you have to vote against us, then <br />we'll have to hold it against you. So while <br />you feel the media's heat now, you're <br />going to feel ours later. On the other <br />hand, what we would ask you to do, and <br />we'll work with you on it, is work in com- <br />mittee, work quietly with your other col- <br />leagues to get the bill killed so that you <br />don't have to cast that vote at all.' <br />"We give them a way to cop out," he says. <br />That's why the assault weapons ban <br />was dead on arrival. The House didn't <br />even bother to take a vote, despite a letter <br />from Lowry urging members to support <br />the ban of 19 specific weapons, including <br />the Uzi and the AK-47. A handful of lib- <br />erals from Seattle sought a vote, but with <br />the November elections looming, the <br />leadership balked. "We had to pull chits <br />just to get a hearing," says Kent Caputo. <br />Though Senate leaders felt essentially <br />the same way, they reluctantly went on <br />record with a vote. Armed with polling <br />data showing that two-thirds of the state's <br />residents backed a prohibition on assault <br />weapons, Senator Lorraine Wojahn forced <br />a floor vote on the ban. It fell two votes <br />short. "I was shocked at some of those who <br />didn't vote for it," admits Wojahn. <br />Not everyone was as surprised. "The <br />polls show 60 to 65 percent support an <br />assault weapons ban. That's true," says <br />Senator Adam Smith, a Democrat who <br />was then chairman of the judiciary com- <br />mittee. "But the intensity of the opposi- <br />tion is far greater than the intensity of the <br />support." <br />Wojahn was not the only Democrat to <br />misjudge support for a ban. Citing internal <br />polling, the state Democratic party <br />encouraged legislative and congressional <br />candidates to highlight their support for an <br />assault weapons ban. Direct mail to voters <br />also centered on support for the ban. <br />That miscalculation proved costly. <br />Within the party itself, there was a schism <br />between conservatives and liberals not <br />GUN CONTROL IN THE STATES <br />(Selected laws, as of June 1994) <br /> <br />~~ <br />Ala, . ` :::.. ~~ <br />Al2ska M <br />~~[[ss,, <br /> <br />Ari.. • H° <br /> <br />Colo. H <br />r~ ...,, ~ ~,:. <br />,Conn::. !',~ r>?.~ aF~ <br /> <br />i~.C. ` ~kY~v~y~. <br />Fla. • L <br /> <br />yam: = ~a.~L~~t~y_"- <br />Ga. t <br />Ha:vaii •' H <br />v y~, .-~ ..- <br />III. ~ H' <br />~.i!~.~ <br />Iowa • H <br />~u .~,, <br />Ky. • M' <br />r:=~ - r. <br /> <br />Maine • L <br /> <br />Maws. •' H <br /> <br />Minn. • H <br />_~:~~; <br />~~~~~ :: <br />Mo. • M° <br />Neb. M5 <br />N.H. L <br /> <br />N.M. • M5 <br />N.C. •' HS <br />Ohio 1 Hs <br />yr +"~'~'R~ ^~b ~,.~ <br /> <br />Ore. • L <br /> "~ rF ;ry <br />R.I. • H <br />S.D. • L <br />Texas • HS <br />Vt. • L' <br />Wash. • L <br />Wis. H~ <br />Nobs: <br />1. California, Connecticut, New Jersey, New York City and other towns in New York State, as well as several <br />Ohio cities, have banned firearms descdbed as "assault weapons." Some Ohio cities also forbid the posses <br />lion and sale of handguns with a certain magazine capacity. Illinois: Chicago and certain other cities have <br />banned handguns and assault weapons. Maryland: several small, lowcaliber, inexpensive handguns and <br />"assault pistols." Hawaii: assault pistols. Yrginia: Street Sweeper shotguns. District of Columbia: handguns, <br />semi-automatic firearms with the ability to use a magaar~ holding more than 12 rounds. (In some cases, <br />individuals are allowed to keep any banned tlrearn possessed prior to the effective date of the gun-ban law, <br />with certain restrictions.) <br />2. Preemption is via judicial ruling, not statute. In Massachusetts and North Carolina, local regulation may be <br />instituted, but it must be ratified by legislative action. <br />3. Except Gary and East Chicago and local laws enacted before January 1994. <br />4. Concealedcarry laws vary significantly among the states. Ratings reflect the effect a state's particular <br />laws have on the ability of citizens to carry firearms for selfdefense: <br />•L: Least restrictive; "shall issue" permit system. <br />•M: Moderatety restrictive; some discretion by issuing authority. <br />•H: Highty restrictive; little or no carry permitted. <br />5. States do not have a statutory provision aAowing a civilian to otrtain a license or permit to cant' concealed <br />firearms. <br />6. Except Philadelphia. <br />7. Vermont law allows concealed carry without a permit. <br />Source: National Rifle Association InstiGrte for legislstive Action <br />only on assault weapons but on the entire <br />firearms issue. More specifically, it was a <br />split between Seattle-based activists and <br />gun-supporting Democrats from the less <br />urbanized areas of eastern and central <br />Washington. <br />The language of the state Democratic <br />Party platform-"We support greater <br />control of sale and possession of hand- <br />guns and other firearms including a ban <br />on automatic and assault weapons"-was <br />a distinct handicap to candidates outside <br />the Seattle region. "Anytime we have a <br />disagreement on this issue, we are looked <br />upon as Neanderthals or barbarians or <br />nut cases," says Democrat Tom Camp- <br />bell, who helped lead the floor fight <br />against 2319. For his efforts, the party <br />caucus dumped Campbell from the com- <br />mittee with jurisdiction over firearms. <br />Washington's intraparty split was one <br />familiar to people on both sides of gun <br />March 1995 GOVERNING 19 <br />