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4 3 8 Simons, Magner and Baku <br />Simons, Quercia and Maric (1998) investigated the indirect property value <br />increases in homes located near new construction in Cleveland, Ohio. Simons and <br />associates found that for every new unit built, the neighboring units experienced <br />an increased value of approximately $670. They also found that rehabilitated <br />housing was associated with a negative and significant effect on nearby property. <br />However, this study used a spatial variable of 2-3 blocks, which may not be <br />sufficiently accurate to detect close -in effects. <br />In a more refined version of the last article, using superior spatial variables of 150 <br />foot concentric rings, Ding, Simons and Baku (2000) evaluated the effect of <br />11e11-thborhocrd investment on nearby residential property values. The authors found <br />that proximity to rehab housing significantly increased neighboring property <br />values by about 13 cents for each rehab dollar of investment, (equivalent to an <br />increase in sales price of about 4% of house price) but only within 150 feet. Large <br />scale rehabs (in dollar and/or number of rehabs) had a larger proportioila( effect <br />dian smaller ones. The authors concluded that the optimum scale of rehabs was <br />to stagger investment to every other house or every third house (depending on <br />housing density) to maximize increases to nearby property values. The average <br />distance between houses in the Cleveland market was 40 feet side to side and 120 <br />feet front to rear, implying that the rehab investment affected the house in front, <br />in the rear and as far as three houses side to side. This study also found a <br />significant positive effect of new residential construction on nearby housing, and <br />that the effect extended further away. A statistically significant increase of six <br />cents per dollar of new housing investment was evident within 150 feet, dwindling <br />down to a two -cent increase between 150-300 feet from the new house. <br />In the context of housing rehabilitation, a positive relationship between rehabbed <br />units and surrounding homes may not reflect the full potential impact of these <br />rehab programs because it compares the beneficial property value effect with other <br />homes not in close proximity to rehabs in the same general time period. Because <br />neighborhoods with substantial rehabs are most often those in econorn,ic decline, <br />the opportunity cost of inaction, over time, may be greater than time apparent <br />observed positive effect. <br />Little information is evident on the economic or social impacts of CDC housing <br />activities. However, some work has been done to examine the economic effects <br />of some types of rehabilitation activities on the economy. For example, Rypkema <br />(1994) looked at the economics of historic preservation. Another study by the <br />University of Rhode Island (1993) examined the economic effects of state <br />expenditures on historical preservation programs over a 20 -year period. Both these <br />studies used sophisticated versions of input-output analysis that generally include <br />both direct and induced effects on the local economy. These models are beyond <br />the level of detail addressed in this study. <br />Other effects of CDC rehab activities are less tangible. Because CDCs that rehab <br />are often targeting lower income areas, new households brought in or existing <br />