My WebLink
|
Help
|
About
|
Sign Out
Home
Browse
Search
PL PACKET 05171983 (2)
StAnthony
>
Parks & Planning Commission
>
Planning Commission Packets
>
1983
>
PL PACKET 05171983 (2)
Metadata
Thumbnails
Annotations
Entry Properties
Last modified
12/30/2015 3:30:25 PM
Creation date
12/30/2015 3:30:17 PM
Metadata
Fields
SP Box #
15
SP Folder Name
PL PACKETS 1983
SP Name
PL PACKET 05171983
There are no annotations on this page.
Document management portal powered by Laserfiche WebLink 9 © 1998-2015
Laserfiche.
All rights reserved.
/
59
PDF
Print
Pages to print
Enter page numbers and/or page ranges separated by commas. For example, 1,3,5-12.
After downloading, print the document using a PDF reader (e.g. Adobe Reader).
View images
View plain text
Finance and Budgeting 141 <br /> e capital investments. In addition,the secondary impacts of federal,capital-related <br /> 1 71 programs are not yet well understood, let alone controlled. For example, a fed- <br /> it eral or state environmental requirement may force a local government unit to <br /> �. build a trunk sewer line in a particular-location. While this capital investment <br />!_ achieves certain environmental objectives, the construction of it can also open <br />!t up vast areas of land for urban development. Local land use plans may not have ! <br /> ' proposed such development. <br /> As can be seen even from this short discussion, local government capital in- <br /> s vestments can be greatly.influenced by other levels of government. The degree <br /> e to. which local government units can use capital investments to shape urban <br /> g growth will determine the extent to which the CIP serves as an effective manage- <br /> y ment tool. <br /> d n <br /> n The CIP process and the political process <br /> v� <br /> is <br /> >, The procedures discussed in this chapter for the CIP and the local budget em- <br />►- <br /> y :_r phasize concepts, techniques, and bureaucratic routines that are essential.to-a <br /> tl ; well-managed local government. The neat, rational process described does not <br /> e really explain completely the complex political process that is taking place <br /> d simultaneously, often outside the bureaucratic technical process. A favorite <br /> r pastime of some academics(albeit unsophisticated ones)is to take planning and , <br /> e "ti management literature describing such routines and then compare real world <br /> fl case studies to the routines. These analyses always come to the conclusion that <br /> o "things don't always work that way." However, this does not mean budgetary <br /> processes are obsolete, unrealistic, or naive—it simply means that the process ! <br />)r = is more complicated. <br /> The purpose of this section is to make some generalizations from the litera- <br /> ti ture (see the bibliography to this chapter)that describe the richness of local gov <br /> e ernment budgetary decision making. <br /> r_ • One set of observations that have been made relates to common patterns of <br /> action within a government's technical bureaucracy. For example, heads of <br /> s <br /> operating departments are far more interested in their own departmental priori- <br /> ties than they are in citywide policy issues. Thus, the public works director is <br /> o - more interested in sewer construction than in park acquisition. Also. given the <br /> - fact that most department heads are running ongoing programs and services. <br />)r <br /> they are more interested in solving current problems than in building an infra- <br />_ structure for an urban land use policy program. Generally. but not always, the <br /> 1- department administrator's time horizon may be shorter than the planner's. <br /> 1e Naturally. all department heads ask for more than they expect to get: therefore. <br /> KI projects listed near the bottom of a priority list may be of next to no importance. <br /> k Moreover, politically astute department heads frequently establish informal re- <br /> n lationships with elected officials, especially council committees related to their <br /> own areas of interest:therefore,they have built a consensus on certain projects. <br /> Another general observation relates to when capital investment decisions are . <br /> s made. Manv investment decisions are made outside the annual CIP process. <br /> For example, emergencies can occur in the middle of the budget year and ex- <br /> penditures must be made. Decisions on capital investments may be made as po- <br /> e litical promises during campaigns and then implemented after new officials take <br /> office. A few major capital.investment decisions may be made when a compre- <br /> hensive plan is adopted. More commonly, however, many key investment deci- <br /> d sions are made at the time when neighborhood or district plans.are.prepared. <br /> y Also,new programs and projects become possible because of a new state.law or <br /> s federal program.The point here is that not all decision making is postponed until <br /> that time of year when the CIP is being prepared. <br /> Some of the literature deals with the role of elected officials in the budgetary <br /> r process: In general, elected officials.are engaged in a constant negotiating pro- <br />
The URL can be used to link to this page
Your browser does not support the video tag.